News and Public Notices

Honourable Prime Minister Marape, distinguished members of the Joint Supervisory Body, the Chief Secretaries and the Joint Technical Teams, the Facilitator, members of the Diplomatic community, members of the media, ladies and gentlemen.

First of all, Prime Minister Marape, allow me to thank you for the invitation to convene here in Port Moresby today.

Let me assure you, the gesture is appreciated by my people and the government of Bougainville primarily because this JSB meeting arrives at a crucial moment of the peace process as we now deliberate on the critical Joint Consultations Report and the Melanesian Framework, amongst other issues.

Prime Minister, as you will appreciate, the Joint Consultation Report is a record of facts and an account of everything we have consulted over since the 2019 referendum, culminating in the defining Melanesian Agreement.

They capture jointly-agreed Resolutions of both our governments.

These factual records show clearly that we are compelled by legal, political and moral responsibilities to respect, accept and adhere to the Joint Consultation Report and implement the Melanesian Framework.

These are compliance documents. They reference nothing but the truth.

They hold us accountable to our own signatures, Prime Minister.

If ever there was a golden opportunity to demonstrate absolute good faith in the eyes of the world, it most definitely would have to be today. It goes without saying, Prime Minister.

It is in this spirit of truth that Bougainville enters this room with a sense of deep respect and the enduring hope that our dialogue today will be entirely open, grounded firmly in honesty, facts, and the highest standards of good faith.

Prime Minister as you know very well, for over two decades, Bougainville’s journey has been defined by an unwavering dedication to the sanctity of our agreements.

Every step we have taken has been built upon a foundation of absolute compliance and honesty.

From the foundational text of the Bougainville Peace Agreement and Part 14 of the National Constitution, to the historic Melanesian Agreement, we have kept our word.

Prime Minister, when we met in Kokopo in 2021, Bougainville honoured those resolutions.

When we established the Wabag Roadmap also in 2021, we adhered strictly to its timelines.

When we signed the Era Kone Covenant in 2022, we committed ourselves entirely to its parameters.

Bougainville has never breached a single Resolution of the JSB or the Melanesian Agreement. We have never strayed from the pathways of consultation we built together.

Prime Minister, as we look to the National Parliament, Bougainville maintains the utmost respect for the institutions of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea.

By the same token, Bougainville maintains that governance must always be exercised with profound responsibility and an absolute respect for the supremacy of the Constitution.

Parliament is a creature of the Constitution.

It is the Constitution itself that remains superior.

Prime Minister, if you may, let me first of all, address the elephant in this room—the National Government’s recently formalized position on what it calls a "non-affirming decision".

I have read the text, and I must tell you frankly: it is a masterpiece of bureaucratic evasion and historical revisionism.

The PNG government’s position argues that the National Parliament has an "unfettered discretion" to simply say "no" to the 97.7% referendum vote, and that a rejection would merely reset Bougainville to the existing autonomy framework.

This is a dangerous legal fiction. Let me set the record straight.

Firstly, the national government position suggests that if Parliament rejects our independence vote, Bougainville will retain its autonomy status and focus on "milestones" like fiscal self-reliance and drawing down of Section 290 powers.

The National Government is treating our constitutional right to self-determination as if it were a performance review or some corporate evaluation subject to external yardsticks or the shifting political tides of the national parliament. Bougainville is moving away from the Autonomy space, let me make that clear.

Secondly, the government of PNG’s position suggests that if we meet its arbitrary criteria, the Minister for Bougainville Affairs might graciously bring our political status back to Parliament for "reconsideration" at a later date.

This insults the intelligence of our people. By doing this, the National Government is asking us to trade a constitutional, internationally witnessed referendum result for an ambiguous promise of future political charity.

We do not need a "clear pathway to revisit the question"—the question has been asked, answered, and sealed in ink and blood.

Thirdly, the National Government claims that a rejection of the referendum results by Parliament still honors the spirit of the Bougainville Peace Agreement. It does the exact opposite, in fact.

The Peace Agreement was built on the promise that the choice of the people would be negotiated in good faith toward a definitive conclusion.

It was never intended to be an endless loop of consultations where Waigani holds a permanent veto.

Any attempt by the National Parliament to vote down the referendum result, freezes us in a dead autonomy framework, or demand constitutional amendments just to kick the can down the road, is a rejection of the peace process itself. It’s unacceptable.

Prime Minister, Bougainville’s Final Position is not up for renegotiation, and it cannot be managed away by administrative benchmarks.

Section 342 of the National Constitution indeed mandates Parliament to make a decision. However, that decision cannot be divorced from the overwhelming democratic mandate of the referendum.

True consultation in the Melanesian tradition seeks consensus, not containment.

Prime Minister, in recent times as well, public narratives have been introduced regarding a three-quarters voting threshold and specific Sessional Orders.

It may be the prerogative of the national parliament as to how it conducts its business, and Bougainville respects that.

But we must be entirely honest with ourselves and, with the world.

Let it be very clear that the voting threshold and the Sessional Order were introduced in Parliament without the joint consultation, explicitly required under the Melanesian Agreement and the JSB resolution of 5 December 2025.

Bougainville had no part in those decisions as required by law. Those were unilateral decisions made by the national government and the speaker of the national parliament.

That’s the fact of the matter.

Bypassing mandatory consultation was, and is, actually, stepping away from the very spirit of our partnership.

Prime Minister, the eyes of PNG and Bougainville are focused on this room today.

The eyes of the international community are fixed upon this room today.

Any inference or intention that steps outside of our jointly-agreed processes and JSB Resolutions will inevitably expose such actions to rigorous external discovery. Our own actions will expose us to international scrutiny.

We cannot afford to compromise the integrity of a peace process that has been hailed globally as a success.

Prime Minister, our focus must remain locked on the Joint Consultations Report.

Ideally, it would be logical for all members of the National Parliament to read and embrace this document.

The report serves as the ultimate guiding blueprint of the intense, good-faith negotiations conducted over the post-Referendum period.

Combined with the Melanesian Framework, this is the institutional pathway to Bougainville’s self-government and ultimately, to full sovereignty.

This pathway reflects Bougainville’s Final Position on our timeline for self-government and, for political independence.

Prime Minister, it is important to emphasize to this Joint Supervisory Body that Bougainville’s Final Position on independence is neither a sudden development nor an isolated stance.

Rather, it represents a deeply considered mandate that carries the full legislative support of the Bougainville House of Representatives and the formal sanctioning of the Autonomous Bougainville Government.

This position is the mature outcome of structured democratic processes, reflecting a unified and lawful approach to our shared journey.

This position has been systematically refined through extensive consultation at Bougainville’s highest political levels.

Prime Minister, just by way of information, this Position was formally endorsed via the KVR Communiqué in Kokopo in June, marking a consensus between the ABG and Bougainville’s National Members of Parliament, who showed unanimous solidarity both in person and through conveyed support.

Furthermore, this was presented to the Joint Technical Meeting in Kokopo, and re-emphasized during the Buka Repositioning Workshop for ABG Ministers and Heads of Departments.

It is now enshrined under the Kuri Resolution as the official outcome of the Bougainville Independence Leaders Consultations Forum of July 2026.

Bougainville’s Final Position is a thoroughly consulted, widely accepted, and cohesive position from the highest levels of Bougainville’s leadership.

Mr. Prime Minister, in terms of weapons disposal, we must recall that this was a process fully supervised, verified, and certified by the United Nations in 2004, more than 2 decades ago.

Let us not confuse ordinary civil lawbreaking with a globally certified, historic disarmament process that Bougainville successfully completed decades ago.

Prime Minister, it is well-documented that the Referendum itself was also a triumph of democratic integrity, strictly supervised by the United Nations.

The writs of that historic vote were returned and formally certified by the PNG Head of State’s representative at the time—who, interestingly, happened to be the current Speaker of the National Parliament, the Honourable Job Pomat. The Honourable Speaker certified the Writ in his capacity as acting Governor General.

Following that certification, a statutory 40-day appeal period commenced, as is the constitutional requirement.

Prime Minister, during those 40 days, not a single objection, dispute, or challenge was raised against the Referendum result by any party or citizen, including the National Government and the international community. The 97.7% vote for independence is a sealed, certified, and immutable historical fact.

Accordingly, Prime Minister, Bougainville comes to this JSB table not to renegotiate the past, but to secure the future through a peaceful, jointly-created process and through historic constitutional evolution.

We have been patient, we have been compliant, and we have been honourable.

Prime Minister, our work today continues under the watchful, supportive eyes of our global partners. We acknowledge with gratitude, the enduring and active role of the United Nations, whose ongoing presence, monitoring, and diplomatic oversight, remain critical as we navigate this final sensitive post-Referendum transition.

The UN's continued engagement ensures that our implementation processes remain transparent, internationally credible, and faithful to the spirit of the Bougainville Peace Agreement.

Considering the context of this particular JSB and recent developments, I believe it would be fitting for me to conclude by stating that, in the eyes of my people, THERE IS LEGAL JUSTICE, AND THERE IS MORAL JUSTICE. 

WITH DUE RESPECT PRIME MINISTER,

BOUGAINVILLE DEMANDS BOTH. 

 

May our deliberations find Truth in God’s Wisdom.

God Bless Papua New Guinea and God Bless Bougainville.

Thank You.  

 

H.E Ishmael Toroama, MHR

President 

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